Questions are being raised over the continued operation of local government institutions in Bangladesh by appointed administrators instead of elected representatives, with legal experts and political analysts warning that the practice may conflict with constitutional principles and democratic norms.
Under the Constitution of Bangladesh, sovereignty belongs to the people, and elected representatives are entrusted with governing the state on their behalf. Article 7 recognizes the authority of the people, while Article 59 states that local government administration should be conducted through institutions composed of elected representatives.
According to constitutional provisions, Union Parishads, উপজেলা পরিষদ (Upazila Parishads), জেলা পরিষদ (District Councils), municipalities, and city corporations are expected to function under elected leadership. The Appellate Division of the Bangladesh Supreme Court also previously observed that the purpose of local government is to ensure the management of local affairs through locally elected representatives.
Despite these constitutional guidelines, most local government bodies across the country are currently being administered by appointed officials rather than elected representatives. Critics argue that this situation raises concerns about constitutional compliance and accountability.
Legal analysts point to the landmark case of Kudrat-E-Elahi Panir vs Bangladesh (44 DLR AD 1992), where the Appellate Division declared that local governments should not be run indefinitely by administrators or nominated individuals except under exceptional circumstances and for the shortest possible period. The ruling also stated that appointed administrators should avoid making major policy decisions.
However, observers claim that administrators currently overseeing several city corporations and local government institutions are making significant policy-level decisions beyond routine administrative duties. Concerns have also emerged over decisions involving jurisdictional expansion and development planning, which critics believe should be handled by elected representatives.
At present, 11 city corporations, including Dhaka North and Dhaka South City Corporations, are functioning without elected mayors or councils. In addition, 61 district councils, 495 উপজেলা পরিষদ, and 330 municipalities are reportedly operating under temporary administrative arrangements led by government officials. Only the Chattogram City Corporation currently has an elected mayor, although councilors are absent there as well.
Experts warn that the absence of elected representatives at the local level may weaken public accountability and affect service delivery. They also argue that implementing central government policies effectively at the grassroots level often depends on active participation by locally elected leaders.
According to election laws, city corporation elections are supposed to be held within 180 days before the end of a council’s term. The five-year terms of both Dhaka South City Corporation and Dhaka North City Corporation have already expired, yet no elections have been held.
BNP Secretary General Mirza Fakhrul Islam Alamgir recently stated that local government elections are expected to take place later this year. Traditionally, since the restoration of parliamentary democracy in 1991, local government elections were generally held shortly after national elections. Political observers note that this pattern has not been followed this time.
The debate intensified following a series of ordinances introduced in August 2024 under the interim administration led by Muhammad Yunus. Amendments to laws governing city corporations, municipalities, district councils, and উপজেলা পরিষদ granted the government broader authority to remove elected representatives and appoint administrators under “special circumstances” or in the “public interest.”
Critics argue that the ordinances did not clearly define those terms, creating concerns over the concentration of executive power. Previously, removal of elected local representatives required specific legal grounds such as prolonged absence from meetings, abuse of power, criminal conviction, misconduct, or proven violations through established procedures.
Prominent legal expert Shahdeen Malik criticized the amended ordinances, describing them as contrary to the spirit of the Constitution and warning that they could increase central government control over local governance structures.
The issue has also drawn political attention because BNP’s previously announced 31-point reform outline pledged to strengthen local government autonomy and avoid removing elected representatives through executive orders unless ordered by a court.
Meanwhile, the government has already appointed administrators to 56 district councils and all 11 city corporations. Most of the appointees are affiliated with the ruling party, leading to criticism from several political parties and civil society groups, who are calling for immediate local government elections and the restoration of elected leadership at the grassroots level.
